Thursday, May 3, 2012

Manila: A megacity where the living must share with the dead

As the world faces overpopulation, the Philippine capital highlights the problems it brings, as Jenny Kleeman discovered

manila unreported world
Jenny Kleeman in front of living shacks built on the banks of a pollluted river in Manila where overpopulation has forced people to carve out living quarters in shanty towns. Photograph: Channel 4
In the heart of Manila's vast North Cemetery, the largest graveyard in the capital of the Philippines, Ricky Baking is hunched over a tomb with a hammer and chisel. After several determined blows, the lid cracks into three pieces. He opens the rotten coffin to reveal the skeleton of a 65-year-old man, dressed in his burial suit and shoes. Baking steps into the tomb with bare feet, and reaches for the bones.
This isn't a grave robbery – it's an eviction. Like everywhere else in Manila, the North Cemetery has run out of space. Up to 80 funerals take place here every day, and demand for plots is so high most people can only afford to rent tombs. If your relatives fail to keep up the payments, another body will take your place. It's Baking's job to clear this grave so another coffin can be lowered into it later this afternoon. He's done this so often it's almost mundane to him.
Land is precious in Manila, and people are prepared to endure incredible circumstances to claim their own piece. Baking's family is one of hundreds that have set up home in the cemetery, jostling for space with the dead. "It's much better living here than in a shanty town," he assures me as we clamber over densely-packed powder pink and blue tombs on the way to his home. "It's much more peaceful and quiet."
The crypt where his family of seven sleeps is barely bigger than a garden shed, but it's furnished with every modern convenience: there's a fridge, a DVD player, electric fans and a built-in toilet. His youngest daughter was a little frightened when they moved here four years ago, he says, but they now find it easy to forget the body buried beneath its floor. In a city with too many people, this is a decent place to live.
The world is facing an overpopulation crisis. In 40 years time, if current growth rates continue, the number of people on the planet will be almost one and a half times what it is today, rising from 6.8 billion to 9.2 billion by 2050. As population increases, so does competition for basic resources – land, food, water and fuel – as well as the threat of environmental devastation and endemic disease. Our numbers are going to be unsustainable within a few years.
Most of the 10,000 babies born every hour are going to grow up in urban settlements: more than half the world's population now live in cities, and that will rise to 70% by 2050. Megacities – with more than 10 million inhabitants – are springing up across the globe, particularly in developing countries. In 1985, there were only nine megacities Today, there are 26.
But as we brace ourselves for the future challenges posed by overpopulation, the residents of Manila are already living with them. This is the city where the statistics come alive. Greater Manila is home to 20 million people, rising by another quarter of a million every year. It's a place of great economic extremes, and space and privacy are luxuries only afforded to Manila's wealthy elite. A third of Manilans live cheek by jowl in makeshift settlements on any bit of spare land – under bridges, next to railway lines, beside flood defences as well as cemeteries. These are ordinary people, often with reasonably paid jobs, who can only afford to live in battery conditions if they want to stay in the city.
Overcrowding is a fact of life from cradle to grave in Manila. At the government-run Jose Fabella maternity hospital, four mothers and their newborns share each bed. On the morning I visit, 133 babies have already been born since midnight in one ward alone. It's desperately hot and the mothers are fanning their babies with whatever they can find. The ward is well-equipped, but running at double capacity. There are simply too many mothers calling on its resources.
"Looking after the welfare of so many people is quite a challenge," says Elisa Navarro, the head nurse. "We have to do regular ward checks to make sure none of the mothers are sleeping on the babies and suffocating them." I can see how easily it would be for this to happen – most of the women are exhausted from labour and almost unaware of the seven other people in their bed. But the mothers tell me they're used to it: at home their entire family will sleep together on a single mattress, which can often mean sharing a bed with eight or nine other people.
The Parapina family live in Baseco, a shanty town of just over half a square kilometre that's home to 90,000 people. Jennifer and Manuel have seven children, aged eight to 17 and all nine share a shack that's no more than three metres across. There's no space for tables, chairs or a mattress – so when night falls, the family put bedding down on the floor and lie side by side together, like sardines.
Jennifer and Manuel earn enough money to clothe and feed their enormous family, and to furnish their home with electric fans and a television set, but the only way they can afford a place in the city is to build it themselves on public land, out of whatever wood and corrugated iron they can scavenge. They've lost four previous homes to the fires that often rage through Baseco. It's easy to see why: the rooftops are draped in thick tangles of cables, illegally tapping electricity from Manila's central supply.
We sit cross-legged on the bare floor, with Jennifer's youngest five children gathered around her. "We never planned to have so many," Jennifer smiles bashfully, "but I think of our children as a blessing. They're going to look after us when we're older." In a country with a weak social care system, a large family is your insurance policy. It's a reason why so many people across the developing world reconcile themselves to the poverty that can come with large families.
Jennifer is only 36, but by the time she was 28 she'd already been pregnant nine times. Contraception has long been taboo in the Philippines – this is a Catholic country and successive governments have refused to promote sex education and contraception for fear of losing the Catholic vote. The Parapinas count themselves as observant Catholics, but it wasn't fear of hellfire that stopped Jennifer from planning her family – it was lack of information. When a local charity began offering free advice and birth control in Baseco a few years ago, she chose to be on a long-term contraception, and the Parapina family finally stopped growing.
Contagious diseases spread fast in Baseco. Jennifer has been living with tuberculosis for two years, but she's tells me about it in the matter-of-fact manner of someone who accepts serious illness as a normal part of life. Pneumonia, measles, cholera and dengue fever claim thousands of lives a year in Manila's most built-up areas. But this isn't enough to stop the city's population growing.
Jennifer's children say they'll show me around the shanty town. Baseco has grown up around a sea wall near the city centre that's supposed to protect Manila from flooding. Typhoon Ondoy killed hundreds in the capital last year but people are still building homes right against the flood defences here. The sea wall itself has been turned into the town's unofficial high street, with grocery stores, snack bars and even funeral parlours setting up stall right next to the water.
We arrive at the filthiest beach I have ever seen, strewn with household waste, plastic bags, polystyrene, old shoes, bricks and car tyres, with the strong, acrid smell of urine – a nightmare inversion of the Philippine beach on the front of my guidebook. Princess Parapina, 15, says this is the place where the children play. Most of the rubbish is washed up from the sea: the beach lies close to the mouth of the notorious Passig River, Manila's unofficial sewer and garbage chute that cuts the capital in two, which was declared biologically dead in the 1990s.
The people of Baseco add to the rubbish, of course. There's no sanitation in the shanty town and people have the choice of either coming down to this beach to go to the toilet or using a plastic bag in their homes. But even space on land as polluted as this is precious and there are houses built right up along the water's edge, wherever the ground is solid enough to support a shack.
The Parapina children rarely get the chance to play together because of the way the public school system works in Manila. There are 6,000 children at the local primary, so they have to go to school in shifts, staggered throughout the day, with classes starting at dawn for some. There are one thousand nine-year-olds in Mark Anthony Parapina's year alone, taught in three separate batches, with six classrooms of children in each shift.
Baseco Elementary has everything you'd expect in a modern school – there's a library, plenty of text books, posters and artwork on the walls – but the main resource teachers lack is sufficient time with their students. Mark Anthony's teacher, Evangeline Castro, tells me it's an uphill struggle. "The four hours we get with each class isn't enough to teach them well," she says. "We're really rushing to pack in everything we can into those four hours." No matter how hard she works, she'll only be able to give her pupils half an education.
The city's wealthy residents have largely been able to buy themselves out of Manila's worst problems. They live in spacious gated communities, they go to work in glass tower blocks in the city's gleaming financial district and they send their children to elite private schools where they'll only have to share their teachers with a few hundred or so others. But even the richest can't avoid the traffic. With millions of cars on the road, drivers spend an average of 1,000 hours every year stuck in jams, and even when cars are moving, they crawl at less than 10km an hour. Manila's municipal government has tried to ease the congestion by limiting which cars can be driven on certain days of the week, according to the numbers on their plates. But those who can afford it have simply bought a second car so they can stay on the road, driving different cars on different days.
Manila's wealth is the prime reason the city's population is exploding. If you want a piece of development and prosperity in the Philippines, you have to come to the capital. Rural poverty has caused thousands of Filipino people to flood into Manila every year from the countryside in search of their fortune. They arrive to find few jobs and nowhere to live – but this still isn't enough to make them return home.
Bai Warda's family is one of 300 who have set up home under a bridge in Quiapo, near the centre of town. She moved here from Mindanao, an island in the south of the country and she's brought up four children on the banks of the stagnant San Miguel waterway. From a distance the settlement looks incredibly ramshackle, made up of plywood shacks precariously balanced on stilts in the sewage-filled river, but close up it's clear that this is a functioning village with its own electricity supply, restaurants and a barber. Bai Warda has been running the local grocery store here for nearly 30 years.
"Most of the people who live here weren't born in Manila. We come from all over the country," she tells me. "I came here because I thought we'd be able to get jobs and better living conditions in the city." I wonder how desperate life must have been at home for this makeshift community to be a better alternative. "I'd never go back to Mindanao – there's nothing for us there," she replies. "I couldn't provide for my family's future if I went back."
It's tempting to think of Manila's overpopulation problem as extraordinary and exceptional. But as global population explodes, and wealth is increasingly concentrated in sprawling cities, Manila is an example of what urban centres all over the world may look like in the not too distant future. And as cities in developing countries become overwhelmed by their population, their inhabitants will have even more reason to migrate to the developed world. The planet is running out of space. Perhaps we will all need the resourcefulness and resilience of Manila's residents if we're going to continue living on it.

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------




One of Philippines’ front row problems is overpopulation. Our country has reached over 90 million people in the present time and is continuing to increase. The government has been trying to come up with solutions for this unresolved social problem for a long time. But as shown in the article our nation is still suffering from this societal sickness making our country to sink into poverty, unemployment, unstable economy, and a lot more.

Indeed, overpopulation has a tremendous effect in the entire country. Added in this problem is the inefficient way of handling scarce resources.  Together with the crooked minds of some government officials, many Filipinos are experiencing torment in their day to day lives.  Also, poverty being brought by overpopulation could lift up the level of crimes.  A lot of our brethrens are engaging to things that are against the law, just to meet their daily needs.

Government's effort in controlling population growth and its effects seem to be no results. One of their proposed solutions is to pass the RH Bill. However, this idea is not appealing to most of the public masses. They take it as an unlawful act towards life. Religious sects are leading opposition to these measures.  But looking into the other side, this RH Bill might be a good help in controlling population explosion.

Knowing all these things, as Filipino citizens, we must be responsible in all of our ways. We have to look into the whole scenario without prejudice. Let us consider all possible ways in dealing this problem as long as it is leading towards the greater good.  Working out the solutions of this crisis is certainly not an easy task.  We should not always rely and just wait for outcomes.  Instead of questioning and blaming the government of all the things happened, why shouldn’t we ask of ourselves of what are our contributions to make our country a better place to live?  Now is the time to take a stand and do our part in reviving our almost dying country.  A single step starts a million mile of journey, we have to bear in our minds that our own little ways put together, can make a difference.

Monday, April 16, 2012


Italy’s reforms

The Iron Monti

The Italian prime minister faces big protests against liberalisation

Taxi drivers, pharmacists—who is next?
MARIO MONTI, Italy’s prime minister, is set fair to become his country’s Margaret Thatcher. But who will play the role of the miners, whose strike represented the most serious challenge to the Iron Lady’s free-market reforms?
Angry victims of Mr Monti’s legislation have queued up for the honour ever since his government approved a wide-ranging package of liberalisation measures on January 20th. Taxi drivers held a one-day national strike to protest at a scheme to increase the number of licences. Chemists, who have a similar objection to a rise in the number of pharmacies, are to down pillboxes on February 1st. Lawyers, who oppose the abolition of minimum and maximum charges, plan a two-day strike later. There is a threat of industrial action by railway workers, upset by proposals to increase competition on commuter lines.
So far the most effective and damaging action has been taken by self-employed lorry drivers, whose real gripe is over the soaring cost of diesel. Fuel prices were pushed higher by an increase in excise duty in the Monti government’s emergency budget in December. Truckers are also protesting against an omission from the liberalisation package, which contained no plans to cut motorway tolls. If they staged a five-day stoppage, it could cost the country as much as €1 billion ($1.4 billion), according to the business daily, Il Sole-24 Ore. Blockades have stopped production at car plants and caused widespread food shortages. On January 24th a striking lorry driver was run over and killed by a German trucker, who was detained by police. There have been reports of beatings of lorry drivers who refused to back the strike. In Sicily there are claims that leaders of the protests have links to the Mafia.
Heady stuff for a government of professors and other distinguished technocrats. Can they really expect to win a trial of strength with Italy’s legendarily stubborn (and sometimes violent) vested interests? The lack of professional party politicians in Mr Monti’s government may turn out to be its strongest suit. That means it is not beholden to powerful lobbies (though some Italians see the prime minister, who was once an adviser to Goldman Sachs, as a representative of international big business, a charge he vigorously denies).
Another ace up the government’s sleeve is that, for the moment at least, its reforms are popular. Mr Monti claims that his liberalising measures will sweep away many “hidden taxes” that Italians pay on services because there is little or no competition among suppliers. That seems to have struck a chord. A poll for Corriere della Sera, a daily, found 58% support for his package. And, despite the pain it has inflicted, Mr Monti’s government has an approval rating of 52%. Fully 68% want it to stay in office until the next general election, due in early 2013.
Whether it does will depend on the political parties, because the government needs their backing in parliament for its survival. And their continued support will in turn depend, in part at least, on the public’s tolerance of Mr Monti’s reforms. Like Lady Thatcher’s, however, these will take time to have an effect.
One important change in the latest package is the hiving-off of Italy’s gas-distribution network from its majority owner, ENI, to create a level playing-field for competition. But this will take two-and-a-half years to complete, and the effect on consumer prices will not be felt until even later. An oft-quoted study by Confindustria and the Bank of Italy concludes that liberalisation of Italy’s services could add 11% to GDP. Less often noted is the study’s estimate that the benefits would take over 30 years to come through.
Already some politicians are drumming their fingers. On January 20th the prime minister’s predecessor, Silvio Berlusconi, declared that the cure devised by Mr Monti’s technocrats had not worked and that he and his ministers “expected to be recalled to occupy the government positions [they] had before”.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

One of Italy’s biggest issues facing nowadays is the reforms of the new Prime Minister Mario Monti.  He wanted to erase the country’s brand of being one of the most slow-growing economies in the world.  As people say, he aimed to draw Italy away from the border and lead it to the track of progress by implementing transformations into the economic situation of the country.
            Liberalization in the economy is a good way of not just improving the country’s financial system but to the public consumers and the idea of running of the government as well.  It opens and invites investors to put up businesses.  This manner can be another source to increase Italy’s revenue.  The more investment, the more taxes the country could collect funding different government agencies.  The budget allocation of these departments at some point can suffice and give better services and projects for the people.
            Another end product of Monti’s agenda is competition between companies from big to small and local to foreign.  These competitions in businesses prevent firms from increasing the prices of their products, unless the hike is reasonable.  And instead, give the Italians the lowest possible price to attract or get the interest of buyers.  Also, people have an array of goods to choose what they want.  One thing with Monti’s reforms as said is that it averts companies from committing tax evasion due to the few or even no competition in their businesses.  It is a right time to really exercise the law in these matters.  Many investments will make the government more careful in doing the legal processes to assure that these firms will truly abide to the terms and conditions and the rules set by the government.  With that, Italy would be able to get what is due for Italy.
            Additional ventures to be put up in the country can create more job opportunities for the people.  It reduces the unemployment rate and stabilizes the economy.  But to some Italians competition is not a good idea.  They want to stick with the existing trend of the economy to protect their personal interests.  Open trade can lead to deterioration of their sales which they fear and big companies could not easily do manipulation in the market.  The general public in opposition to the Monti’s schemes protested trying to insist what they want.
            Monti’s reforms in overhauling Italy are idealistic.  This undertaking requires a long period of time to accomplish.  But it is not too far to achieve if the implementation is well and fairly handled, and the implementers have no other agenda, only the welfare of the country and its people.  Like Monti, he chooses not to please the citizens, disregard their public opinions for the good of the many yet in exchange is the more robust and secure country. 
On the other side, old political parties are just supporting him because he is on the seat.  They want him to do the dirty job; all they care about are protecting their popular names and power not the general public. Though Monti has only a short period in realizing his plans, the will he has is unwavering.  He responsibly stands in his decisions and labeled as the “Iron Monti”.  Commentators say it’s too late for Monti to do actions but as the proverb goes, “It’s better late than never”.  It takes a lot of risk in pursuing his reform, but when will they take the move?  Setting aside other political leaders’ personal agenda and support the call for change will end to the country’s woes.